Суббота, 4 Февраля 2012 г.

Ketchup and the housing bubble

23:25 19/07/2009

I’m working on the relationship between economic theory and the current crisis, and one thread obviously involves the role of efficient market theory in breeding complacency. So I ran across this revealing late-2007 interview with Eugene Fama. In it, Fama dismisses the whole idea of bubbles:

Well, economists are arrogant people. And because they can’t explain something, it becomes irrational. The way I look at it, there were two crashes in the last century. One turned out to be too small. The ’29 crash was too small; the market went down subsequently. The ’87 crash turned out to be too big; the market went up afterwards. So you have two cases: One was an underreaction; the other was an overreaction. That’s exactly what you’d expect if the market’s efficient.

The word “bubble” drives me nuts. For example, people say “the Internet bubble.” Well, if you go back to that time, most people were saying the Internet was going to revolutionize business, so companies that had a leg up on the Internet were going to become very successful.

I did a calculation. Microsoft was an example of a corporation that came from the previous revolution, the computer revolution. It was hugely profitable and successful. How many Microsofts would it have taken to justify the whole set of Internet valuations? I think I estimated it to be something like 1.4.

And he expresses confidence over housing (rather late in the game, wouldn’t you say?):

Housing markets are less liquid, but people are very careful when they buy houses. It’s typically the biggest investment they’re going to make, so they look around very carefully and they compare prices. The bidding process is very detailed.

What this made me think of was an old paper by Larry Summers mocking finance economists as the equivalent of “ketchup economists”, who believe that they’ve demonstrated market efficiency by showing that two-quart bottles of ketchup always sell for twice the price of one-quart bottles.

In the case of housing, buyers do carefully compare prices — with the prices of other houses. That is, they make sure that two-quart bottles of ketchup are the same price as one-quart bottles. As we’ve seen, however, they don’t do a very good job of checking whether the overall level of housing prices makes sense.

Yes, it was a bubble — and as Larry said way back when, the ketchup test just isn’t enough.



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Morning Joe

18:39 19/07/2009

I think this Michael Hirsch piece on Joe Stiglitz somewhat misses the point.

Yes, Joe should be playing a bigger role — he’s an insanely great economist, in ways you can’t really appreciate unless you’re deep into the field. I’d say that he’s more his generation’s Paul Samuelson than its John Maynard Keynes: as with Great Paul, almost every time you dig into some sub-field of economics — finance, imperfect competition, health care — you find that much of the work rests on a seminal Stiglitz paper.

But the larger story is the absence of a progressive-economist wing. A lot of people supported Obama over Clinton in the primaries because they thought Clinton would bring back the Rubin team; and what Obama has done is … bring back the Rubin team. Even the advisory council, which is supposed to bring in skeptical views, does so by bringing in, um, Marty Feldstein.

The point is that even if you think the leftish wing of economics doesn’t have all the answers, you’d expect some people from that wing to be at the table. Yet I don’t see Larry Mishel, or Jamie Galbraith … Jared Bernstein is it.

Joe Stiglitz stands out because in addition to being on the progressive wing, he’s also, as I said, a giant among academic economists. But I think the real story is more about excluded points of view than excluded people.



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Carbon tariffs

18:16 19/07/2009

The Times editorial page says they make sense, done right. I agree on both the economics and the legal aspects.



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A few days off

18:13 19/07/2009

No column tomorrow, and limited posting until late in the week. I’ll be hiking the Applalachian Trail taking some personal time.



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Summers at IIE

15:54 18/07/2009

The speech Larry Summers gave at the IIE was sensible and clear-headed. But his discussion of the stimulus and its size was disappointing — and, I hope, somewhat disingenuous.

What Larry said:

The size of the stimulus reflected a balance of several considerations: the size of the likely output gap that the economy was facing, the difficulties of ramping up spending and then ramping it back down after recovery in a high budget-deficit environment, the question of how much could be spent both quickly and productively, and the recognition that the Recovery Act was just one of several initiatives by the Administration that would have a dynamic impact on the state of the economy.

Look: it was really clear, even in January, that the stimulus wasn’t remotely big enough to close the output gap. My analysis at the time here and here.

It was also clear, at least to me, that the stimulus should, in fact, be aggressive — enough to achieve something close to full employment.

Now, you can argue that given the political realities it just wasn’t possible to pass a bigger stimulus, which may or may not be true. But that’s not the argument Larry is making — he’s saying that the plan was just right in economic terms. And I can only hope they didn’t really think that.

What about the argument that the stimulus was just one of “several initiatives”? Well, I did hear that at the time. But as we now know, not much is happening on other fronts. Foreclosure relief has been mostly a nonstarter; the PPIP has turned more or less into a joke; policy toward the banks is basically a muddle-through strategy, which might work out in terms of avoiding the need for further direct intervention, but certainly isn’t jump-starting lending.

The point is that I can respect the argument that this was all the administration could do, politically. I can’t feel equal respect for the argument that this was all it should have done, economically.



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Beware the bounce

15:30 18/07/2009

The really terrible numbers earlier this year had a lot to do with inventories: businesses decided they had too much stuff in warehouses, so they slashed production well below final sales. Correspondingly, the green shoots we’re seeing are to an important extent the result of the end of this de-stocking process.

The question is, how much has the underlying situation changed? Are we seeing anything more than the inventory bounce most of us have been expecting for three or four months?

Jan Hatzius at Goldman (no link) is skeptical. His latest suggests that final demand is still going nowhere:

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The six deadly hypocrites

03:28 18/07/2009

Will the destructive center kill health care reform? It looks all too possible.

What’s especially galling is the hypocrisy of their claimed reason for delaying progress — concern about the fiscal burden. After all, in the past most of them have shown no concern at all for the nation’s long-term fiscal outlook.

Case in point: the Medicare Modernization Act of 2003, which denied Medicare the right to bargain for lower drug prices, locked in overpayments to private insurance companies, and did nothing, nothing at all, to pay for its proposed outlays. How many of these six self-proclaimed defenders of solvency voted no on the crucial procedural vote? One. (Joe Lieberman, to my surprise.)

And let’s not forget that Ben Nelson, who appears to be the ringleader, has fought tooth and nail against competition from a public option — which would almost certainly save a significant amount of money, as well as providing much-needed competition.

If the Gang of Six really does kill reform, remember their names; they will bear the responsibility for vast, unnecessary suffering over the years to come.



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Views differ on shape of macroeconomics

00:21 18/07/2009

I’ll mostly weigh in on Brad DeLong’s side with regard to this Economist piece on the state of macroeconomics. The Economist reaches, I think, for a false symmetry, and glosses over too easily the sheer ignorance that has become obvious in the debates over fiscal policy.

On the other hand, the common claim that economists ignored the financial side and the risks of crisis seems not quite fair — at least from where I sit. In international macro, one of my two home fields, we’ve worried about and tried to analyze crises a lot. Especially after the Asian crisis of 1997-98, financial crises were very much on everyone’s mind. There was a substantial empirical literature from economists like Carmen Reinhart and Graciela Kaminsky (with Ken Rogoff joining in latterly); there was modeling from Guillermo Calvo, Jose Andres (grrr) Velasco, Nouriel Roubini, Paolo Pesenti, and others, including yours truly.

Speaking for myself, I saw the housing bubble and expected the bust; but I hadn’t appreciated in advance either the vulnerability of the shadow banking system or the leverage of American consumers. Once the crisis was underway, however, I had a more or less ready-made intellectual framework to accommodate these revelations: at a meta level, this was very much the same kind of crisis as Indonesia 1998 or Argentina 2002.

Domestic macro people may have been more astonished by what happened. But the prevailing trend now is to assert that there are more risks in the economy than were dreamed of in our philosophy; I don’t think that’s fair.



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Who coined the term “macroeconomics”?

23:47 17/07/2009

The Economist sez the term first appeared in the journals in a 1945 article by Jacob Marschak. But according to an authoritative source — Krugman and Wells — the term was coined in 1933 by Ragnar Frisch.



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Opinions for sale

17:49 17/07/2009

Politico has a scoop:

The American Conservative Union asked FedEx for a check for $2 million to $3 million in return for the group’s endorsement in a bitter legislative dispute, then flipped and sided with UPS after FedEx refused to pay.

For the $2 million plus, ACU offered a range of services that included: “Producing op-eds and articles written by ACU’s Chairman David Keene and/or other members of the ACU’s board of directors. (Note that Mr. Keene writes a weekly column that appears in The Hill.)”

This reminded me of another story that was sort of disappeared from polite discussion: Think Tank’s Ideas Shifted as Malaysia Ties Grew:

For years, the Heritage Foundation sharply criticized the autocratic rule of former Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, denouncing his anti-Semitism, his jailing of political opponents and his “anti-free market currency controls.”

Then, late in the summer of 2001, the conservative nonprofit Washington think tank began to change its assessment: Heritage financed an Aug. 30-Sept. 4, 2001, trip to Malaysia for three House members and their spouses. Heritage put on briefings for the congressional delegation titled “Malaysia: Standing Up for Democracy” and “U.S. and Malaysia: Ways to Cooperate in Order to Influence Peace and Stability in Southeast Asia.”

Heritage’s new, pro-Malaysian outlook emerged at the same time a Hong Kong consulting firm co-founded by Edwin J. Feulner, Heritage’s president, began representing Malaysian business interests. The for-profit firm, called Belle Haven Consultants, retains Feulner’s wife, Linda Feulner, as a “senior adviser.” And Belle Haven’s chief operating officer, Ken Sheffer, is the former head of Heritage’s Asia office and is still on Heritage’s payroll as a $75,000-a-year consultant.

Despite everything that’s happened, I don’t think many people grasp just how raw, how explicit, the corruption of our institutions has become.



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Paul Krugman

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